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”The only thing the Dink family wants is
justice, and more specifically to hear the state
accept that Hrant's words fall within the scope of
freedom of expression and not under Article 301,
not a defense by the state saying that Hrant
deserved to be murdered,” Hatemi told
Today's Zaman for Monday Talk, referring to a
controversial official statement submitted to the
European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) to defend
the prosecution of Dink.
There are also signs that the Turkish government
is seeking a compromise with the Dink family.
”The best thing for Turkey to do is to
withdraw its defense from the ECtHR. There is no
other way to get rid of this disgrace. In
addition, illegal structures should be disclosed,
since Hrant's death accelerated the process
of unraveling Ergenekon's makeup,”
Hatemi added, referring to the investigation into
Ergenekon, a neo-nationalist gang believed to be
the extension of a clandestine network of various
groups with members in the security forces.
Ergenekon stands accused of being behind a number
of unsolved murders of journalists, academics,
public opinion leaders and writers.
The disclosure of the Turkish state's
defense statement in Dink's infamous trial
for ”insulting Turkishness” has caused
embarrassment to the government, which says
expanding rights and freedoms is a priority.
The official defense, which was presented to the
European court in November 2009 and whose content
was recently revealed in the media, cited the case
of a leader of a neo-Nazi organization in Europe
while defending the trial of Dink under Article
301 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK).
Dink, a Turkish journalist of Armenian descent who
was shot dead by a teenage assailant in January
2007, had filed a case at the ECtHR seeking the
annulment of his conviction for ”insulting
Turkishness” under Article 301.
Following his assassination, his family filed
another complaint at the European court against
Turkey, saying that despite the fact that the
gendarmerie and police had been informed about
threats and murder plans against Dink, they failed
to take action to prevent the murder. The two
cases were then combined by the ECtHR.
Dink's family, friends and human rights
organizations complain that light has yet to be
shed on the details surrounding his murder, which
triggered widespread anger and shock in Turkey.
There is a lengthy list of suspicious
irregularities in the investigation into
Dink's murder, including deleted records and
hidden files suggestive of an attempted police
cover-up. The Dink family's lawyers have
said much of the evidence indicates that the
murder could have been prevented.
Hatemi answered our questions on recent
developments regarding the issue.
What was your reaction when you saw the
government's defense at the ECtHR regarding
Dink?
The Foreign Ministry has adopted an attitude that
treats Hrant Dink as if he were not a Turkish
citizen. Unfortunately, this document shows the
undesirable ”red lines” of the Turkish
Foreign Ministry. We know how the state acted
previously at the ECtHR. Take as an example the
headscarf ban case. Such defenses in the European
court make us feel that we live in a foreign land
in our own country. Even a foreigner would not
behave in such a relentless way towards you. I
can't find words to describe this defense
other than to say that it's disgraceful.
First of all, it is a defense that does not befit
a state in which the rule of law exists. An
appropriate statement should have been along the
lines of expressing regret because the state was
unable to protect Hrant Dink. And the state should
have accepted the case.
Who do you think might have prepared this
defense?
What bureaucrat prepared it should be made public.
Also, who ordered this bureaucrat to prepare this
defense, this should also be revealed. In short,
the defense says that Hrant Dink deserved to be
murdered; he got what was coming to him!
That's it. It's horrifying that there
are bureaucrats who could prepare such a defense
in the Foreign Ministry. This defense is neither
appropriate for the Foreign Ministry nor for
Turkey, which is in the process of
democratization. Moreover, this defense presents a
conflict to state institutions.
How is that?
The justice minister said they didn't
prepare it and expressed deep regret over the
issue. The foreign minister, who signed this
defense document before it was sent to the ECtHR,
said he was personally very disturbed by the
defense being used in court and that it weighed on
his soul heavier than many other crises. In
addition, this defense puts dynamite under efforts
exerted by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan, who has been taking positive steps
over the past five years to meet the demands of
Turkey's minority communities. Another
revelation that came with this defense is that
there are ultranationalists within the Justice and
Development Party [AK Party]. The prime minister
said in a speech he gave a few days ago that he
has warned his ministers about the possibility of
the rug being pulled from underneath them. In that
speech, the prime minister for the first time
expressed concern that some people within the
ministries could not be trusted.
What else is very clear here? What else does
this defense tell us?
This resistance is very much related to Ergenekon.
Whatever you call it, the existence of an illegal
formation within the state has been accepted by
all. But instead of mobilizing the judiciary to
eliminate it, excuses are being produced to
support its existence. The state's defense
at the European court clearly shows that there are
illegal and unethical forces, ones that resist
change, within the state which use Hrant's
case to defy the rule of law. Therefore, it should
be made public who wrote this defense.
‘Judiciary the clumsiest institution in
democratization process'
Now that the court has found Turkey guilty in
the Dink case, what options does the government
have at this point?
Instead of accepting the guilt, the state has
reinstated the deep state's arguments in its
defense. It's a shame and does not suit a
state governed by the rule of law. Turkey should
immediately withdraw this defense from the ECtHR.
You mentioned the statements of the ministers
of justice and foreign affairs. Indeed, the person
holding the highest rank in the country, the
president, rejected the defense, saying Dink was
killed because of the state's failure to
protect him.
Yes, he did. This defense is almost a carbon copy
of the defendants' arguments in the Hrant
Dink case. It hurts us and Hrant's family
deeply.
This defense also obviously hurts the ongoing
case here in Turkey. Can the president order the
State Audit Institution [DDK] to take up the case
to reveal the truth?
The Prime Ministry has already done this through a
parliamentary investigation commission, but the
court ignored its findings despite there being
recommendations on who needs to be investigated
more. They conducted detailed interviews with
family members, lawyers, defendants and witnesses.
The commission included names in its report and,
as I said, the court ignored that serious report.
Some people are obviously being protected. This
has been a long-lasting problem of Turkey,
especially in the judiciary. But there is nothing
to prevent a new investigation on the
president's initiative. In the first hearing
of the court, I told the judge that the court is
responsible for finding the officials who were
negligent in their duties and that it should not
allow this case to go to the ECtHR. In that sense,
I see the [upcoming] referendum [on constitutional
amendments] as an opportunity.
Is this because one of the articles in the
constitutional amendment package will allow
individuals to petition the Constitutional Court,
thereby leading to a decrease in the number of
cases going to the ECtHR?
Yes, but the dilemma is which Constitutional
Court. The Constitutional Court should act within
the law in order to evaluate those cases fairly.
The foreign minister said an agreement might
be reached with the Dink family. What do you think
of this idea?
The only thing the Dink family wants is justice,
and more specifically to hear the state accept
that Hrant's words fall within the scope of
freedom of expression and not under Article 301,
not a defense by the state saying that Hrant
deserved to be murdered. The best thing for Turkey
to do is to withdraw its defense from the ECtHR.
There is no other way to get rid of this disgrace.
In addition, illegal structures should be
disclosed since Hrant's death accelerated
the process of unraveling Ergenekon's
makeup.
Do you expect any positive changes to the
judiciary's point of view after the ECtHR
ruling?
Unfortunately, the clumsiest institution in the
democratization process has been the judiciary.
The judiciary should be restructured in line with
adopting the principles of universal law and get
rid of the ”red lines” of the official
ideology. The judiciary should be able to function
in line with the rule of law. It should also get
rid of its racist and fascist tendencies.
‘Halki Seminary should be opened
tomorrow'
And the Halki Seminary? It still remains
closed.
There is nothing to prevent its reopening
tomorrow. It would be best to reopen it
immediately. When it is opened, Turkey will gain
the backing of its 300,000 Orthodox citizens.
Do you also tie the issue to the influence of
Ergenekon supporters or the deep state over the
government?
Yes. There is a challenge both against the
government and by the government. As a result,
every step forward is followed by two steps back
with respect to the problem, although the easiest
issue to solve in Turkey right now is the opening
of the seminary. Every state institution has an
element of the deep-state, but the Foreign
Ministry is among the worst when it comes to this
influence. There are bureaucrats and professors
who interpret the demands put forth in the Treaty
of Lausanne in a crooked way. Although the treaty
talks about parallel obligations, this has been
interpreted as ”reciprocity.” This is
the mentality. It is not enough that the prime
minister desires a solution to the problem. There
are nationalist reflexes which turn into
ultranationalist reactions within the AK Party as
well. These are obstacles in front of a democratic
state where the rule of law should reign.
* * *
‘Deep-state uncomfortable'
Another ruling by the ECtHR in June states that
the Turkish government should re-register a
historic Orthodox orphanage on Büyükada
to the İstanbul-based Fener Greek Orthodox
Patriarchate. What are the developments regarding
that issue?
In August of last year, the prime minister came
together with the religious representatives of
minority groups in Turkey to address their demands
in a more efficient way. The prime minister
ordered his bureaucrats in front of the media to
immediately handle the long-lasting issue of
property ownership. But the Foreign Ministry was
bold enough to tell the prime minister that
re-registering the orphanage to the patriarchate
carries a ”dangerous potential.” Is
this the Foreign Ministry's duty? Is the
duty of the Foreign Ministry to prepare a defense
for the ECtHR on behalf of the state in the Hrant
Dink case? Apparently, there is a need to comb
through the bureaucracy to ensure everyone acts in
line with their duty and within the limits of the
rule of law.
And the future of the orphanage's
ownership? The ECtHR has ordered that the
orphanage be returned to the patriarchate within
three months.
It is known that the orphanage belongs to the
patriarchate. This makes the deep state very
uncomfortable, and they put forward several false
claims to prove that it does not belong to the
patriarchate. The clergy at the patriarchate
cannot fully understand the reasons for this and
only watch the developments with horror. After the
ECtHR ruling, the orphanage will probably be
turned into a global environmental center, as the
patriarch -- who has been nicknamed the
”green patriarch” -- told the prime
minister. But the historic building has been
exposed to harsh weather conditions. We expect the
state and international organizations to
contribute to its restoration.
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